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Published on
Friday, February 16, 2001 in the New
York Times
Defending the Estate
Tax
A New York Times Editorial
From the time
that opponents started calling it the "death tax," momentum
has been building in Congress to get rid of the federal tax on estates.
Vetoed by President Clinton last year, the estate tax repeal is
now a central element of President Bush's $1.6 trillion tax-cut
package. Lately, however, Congress has begun entertaining second
thoughts, and for good reason. Some of the strongest arguments against
repeal are coming from a group of 120 wealthy Americans, including
Warren Buffett, George Soros and William Gates Sr., the father of
the founder of Microsoft. Their words are worth listening to as
Congress takes on the entire tax-cut package.
In a petition
and in interviews, the wealthy opponents of abolishing the estate
tax directly rebut the argument of President Bush and others that
the tax somehow dampens the incentive of rich Americans to make
money. On the contrary, Messrs. Buffett, Soros and Gates argue that
cementing an aristocracy of wealth would sap the morale of an egalitarian
society, and would misdirect the nation's resources by rewarding
heredity rather than merit. In Mr. Buffett's colorful analogy, repealing
the estate tax for the benefit of heirs of the rich would be like
choosing the nation's Olympic team from among the children of past
Olympic champions. The offspring in each case are not necessarily
the best of their generation.
The wealthy
dissenters, many of whom are leading philanthropists, also know
that eliminating the estate tax could dry up bequests to charitable,
philanthropic and educational organizations. That would be an enormous
civic loss, sapping the vitality of institutions that are critically
important to the nation and to cultural centers such as New York.
Last year Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers estimated that the
loss in contributions could reach $6 billion a year. Strangely,
the administration challenges the view, widely held by lawyers and
accountants involved in estate planning, that wealthy individuals
make charitable contributions to reduce the size of their taxable
estates and direct money to cherished causes and institutions rather
than see the government take it. But only last week Mr. Bush's own
director of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, John DiIulio,
told The Times that repeal of the tax would undercut the president's
efforts to support private charity. "I don't want to be the
skunk at the picnic," he said. "But no, I don't think
the estate tax should be eliminated modified, maybe, but
not eliminated."
Another factor
is making Congress look again at the estate tax repeal: its tremendous
cost and the way it skews the entire tax-cut package put forward
by Mr. Bush heavily toward the wealthy. Mr. Bush's proposal would
repeal the estate tax over 10 years. But in the tenth year the repeal
would account for nearly 25 percent of the lost revenue of the entire
tax-cut package. Repeal of the estate tax would cost less than $250
million over the first 10 years of Mr. Bush's plan. But in the following
decade, when it is fully phased in, repeal would cost the federal
government an astronomical $750 billion.
Repealing the
estate tax makes no economic sense under the central rationale being
pressed by Mr. Bush and his administration colleagues to justify
the overall tax cut. This week Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill once
again argued on Capitol Hill that the entire tax cut was needed
to stimulate the economy. But the slow phase-in of the estate tax
repeal would not quickly inject much spending money into the economy
to turn it around. Any way you look at it, repealing the estate
tax cannot be justified by economic conditions, social benefits
or the need for basic fairness in the tax code.
Copyright 2001
The New York Times Company
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